the case for reparations

However, Human Rights Watch supports the conclusion of the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 (recently renamed the Tulsa Race Massacre Commission)—a commission created by the Oklahoma state legislature in 1997 to study the massacre and make recommendations—that reparations should be made. It has a “mobility rate” (percentage leaving the school after each year) of 83.3 percent. The US federal government as well as state and local governments have made reparations in the past to victims of human rights violations. [148], Throughout Tulsa, infant mortality rates for black people are almost triple that for white people. [155] Hunger Free Oklahoma, “Oklahoma is Hungry,” https://hungerfreeok.org/theissueoklahomaishungry/ (accessed July 14, 2019). [177] Community Service Council, “Tulsa Equality Indicators: Annual Report, 2018,” City of Tulsa, p. 18. [127]  The seven zip codes identified[128] as comprising North Tulsa have a total population of approximately 85,000 people according to recent census data. (on file with Human Rights Watch). Students miss an average of 26.7 days each school year. [15], Early the next morning, a large mob of white men and boys invaded Greenwood, outnumbering its defenders by 20 to 1 or more. [94] University of Richmond's Digital Scholarship Lab, “Mapping Inequality: Redlining in New Deal America,” Tulsa, OK map, undated, https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/#loc=13/36.141/-96.018&maps=0&city=tulsa-ok (accessed May 10, 2020). The Greenwood Rising History Center, originally designed to be constructed next to the Greenwood Cultural Center, will now be built on the corner of Greenwood and Archer, thanks mostly to private donations (including a land donation), as well as state funding and money from local taxes. [58] Ellsworth, Death in a Promised Land, p. 84 (“Numerous telegrams were received by the executive committee from various cities in the Union offering aid, but the policy was quickly adopted that this was strictly a Tulsa affair and that the work of the restoration and charity would be taken care of by the Tulsa people.”); see also Hirsch, Riot and Remembrance, p. 130 (Governor Robertson refused an offer to send 50 Black Cross nurses from the Chicago chapter of the Universal Negro Improvement Association). [28] This internment facilitated destruction and death, leaving black residents, outnumbered by more than 20 to 1,[29] without the ability to defend their lives, home, and property. Establish an economic development enterprise zone in the historic Greenwood district; Create a memorial for the riot victims and for the burial of any human remains found in the search for unmarked graves of riot victims. North Tulsa has relatively few businesses and shopping districts, compared to other parts of the city. [290] Commission to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African-Americans Act, H.R. [130] Community Service Council, “Tulsa Equality Indicators: Annual Report, 2018,” City of Tulsa, p. 38. [56] Ellsworth, Death in the Promised Land, p. 83; “Tulsa Race Riot Report,” p. 159 (boxed caption); Hirsch, Riot and Remembrance, p. 135-36. [217] Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial Commission, “Accomplishments,” undated, https://www.tulsa2021.org/accomplishments (accessed April 7, 2020); Samantha Vicent, “Mural near Greenwood Cultural Center honors Black Wall Street,” Tulsa World, June 1, 2018, https://www.tulsaworld.com/news/local/mural-near-greenwood-cultural-center-honors-black-wall-street/article_589ad151-5847-502a-9dae-b22583fdd352.html (accessed April 7, 2020). [144] Those coming out of jail or prison have few options and are often burdened by court-imposed debt that can result in further arrest for failure to pay, and loss of employment opportunities. “Narrowing the Gap,” Tulsa Health Department, May 26, 2015, https://www.tulsa-health.org/sites/default/files/page_attachments/Life%20Expectancy%20Report.pdf (accessed July 14, 2019). [30], During the attack, white men dragged dozens of black people in their nightclothes from their beds on the white side of town, in homes where they lived as domestic workers, screaming at and severely beating them before hauling them off to internment at various locations downtown. Text settings. [101], By the early 1970s, these policies had claimed and demolished so many businesses and homes in Tulsa, more than 1,000, many of them in Greenwood, that black Tulsans would come to call urban renewal “urban removal,” according to Hirsch. 40, 116th Cong. However, the city budget remained tilted towards policing. [207] Emily Newburger, “Breaking the Chain,” Harvard Law Today, July 1, 2001, https://today.law.harvard.edu/feature/breaking-chain/ (accessed April 6, 2020). [124] These policies, practices and norms serve to benefit and privilege white people while denying basic rights and limiting opportunities for people of color. [170], High poverty schools have much greater rates of absenteeism and students are more likely to leave after one year than are students at predominantly white lower poverty schools. The freewheeling opportunity associated with 20th-century California was not available to black residents, and that exclusion reverberates in our neighborhoods and communities today. A comparative analysis with other cities and the case for Colonial reparations my Guka and Me: of! The national level, Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Reverend Gerald Davis, October 4 2017. Prevented many black residents and created dead space under the rug and ignore. ” [ 188 ] of steady and! 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